Original: NOTAS PROVISIONALES EN TORNO A LA “ANÁRQUICA” REVUELTA DE MASAS QUE SACUDE A LA REGIÓN CHILENA
On Friday, October 18 a wild revolt erupted in the city of Santiago and the next day had already expanded to practically all cities in the country. The apparent reason was the rise of the passage in the collective locomotion of Santiago (in the buses of metropolitan network of mobility and the subway), but at the root showed a total discontent with the capitalist lifestyle. A huge and uncontrolled movement made this way its historical appearance and as some / as partner have claimed in several pamphlets spread in the revolt: "nothing will ever be the same".
The favorable movement for the antagonist perspective
- the first thing we must highlight is the spontaneous generalization of the movement and its criticism in the acts to the entire capitalist-neoliberal lifestyle: expropriation and mass sharing of goods of large capitalists (supermarkets, shopping centers, pharmacies, banks, etc . ), destruction of state infrastructure (police stations, municipal buildings, etc. ), massive repudiation of the repressive bodies of the state in a " Democratic " context (Carabineros, research police and militia), and an intuitive sketch of criticism to the entire commodification of all aspects of everyday life (there is no " Demand " or " vindication " Concrete, wants to " change everything ").
- the dynamic role that has played and plays the youth proletariat, with its programmatic intransigence and subversive combativeness to all test.
- wild protests effectively constituted a huge damage to the private property of the great capitalists of this country: this was the real reason for the state to put the cops in the streets. This horrified the dominant-capitalist class.
- another aspect that has called us deeply attention is the proliferation of nuclei that practice the offensive violence and self-defense against the repressive forces of the state in the demonstrations-both in the "center", and in the peripheral neighborhoods -. There is something like "proletarian violence of diffuse masses", which is coordinated in a solidarity way in the middle of the barricades, which makes unnecessary-at least, for now-any kind of specialization or professionalization of this activity by groups. So far, this has been pretty effective.
- the fracture of isolation and isolation to which we are subjected daily in this system that manifests in: spontaneous solidarity of class and social communication outside the previously prefabricated roles.
- despite the "State of emergency", of the touch of remains, and of the cops in the streets, the proletariat has not been afraid and has not abandoned the fight despite the brutal repression that has claimed an still unknown number of killed / as, tortured / as, missing / as and imprisoned. At the time of writing these lines has been announced in many regions, including the metropolitan region, the cessation of the touch of remains, by the social pressure of the proletariat that has not respected it at all and that manifests a visceral hatred to the cops.
- despite all the efforts of the state to return to " certain normality " and the defamation of mass media, this has been impossible to restore, as our class a continued protesting daily without even " asking for permission " To do so-all demonstrations have been "illegal"-.
- the reality of the struggle has overwhelmed the attempts to "Espectacularizar" The Press Revolt: the proletariat has recognized that the social-essential function of the press is to distort the facts and assemble a story related to the interests of the dominant class - The journalists are the "Spokespersons" of the capital -.
- the movement, in the context of the revolt, is being given-Embryonic-of fighting bodies with territorial rooted, based on the conformation of self-organized assemblies of neighbors and neighbors, which are in various neighborhoods and populations building from below a Anti-capitalist perspective that is against the precariousness of life. We consider these areas of strategic proletarian association to form a community of struggle, because it expresses the need for self-activity by the same / as proletarians / as autonomously to any external intervention to them / as.
- an important sector of the proletariat has rejected in block the proposals of "reforms" with which the government has tried to extinguish the fire of the revolt: they are considered unworthy crumbs, which has the state in check, at least, so far.
- there is no "political sector" capable of self-government and valid to dialogue with the government: question that has the bourgeoisie baffled. It's a revolt without leaders. From There, "the anarchic" of this movement.
The contradictions and limits that revolutionary minorities must fight in the bosom of the movement
- during the megamarchas made on Friday, October 25, that only in the city of Santiago called according to official figures to more than 1.500.000 protesters, a patriotic identification feeling and national unity was massively expressed, to the detriment of a Perspective of class of social conflict. Example of this was the proliferation of Chilean Flags-that had been absent-and a festive and pacifist atmosphere that prevailed throughout the day, being this valued by the same government as an opportunity that "opens paths of future and hope".
- the hesitation that has shown certain organized sectors of the worker movement to participate in the revolt-for example, the miners of the state company codelco and the trade unions belonging to the National Coordinator of workers and workers -, with the worthy exception of the Port Union of Chile (Upch) and the construction guild grouped in the combative union sintef: what has not been exempt from contradictions, limits and uneven development depending on the geographical location.
- the echo that in certain social sectors has made the rumor spread by the press and the government that there is a wave of looting that has as goals houses of individuals and small businesses-those who have been very particular and little numerous cases -. This has been expressed in the phenomenon of "Yellow vests", neighbors / as organized in crews defending their neighborhoods of non-EXISTENT LOOTERS. This is dangerous because it is breeding broth for right-Neo-fascist currents and because it faces proletarians / as against proletarians.
- the existence of militants of traditional matches and the "new left"-which is more of the same-in the assemblies and self-organized cabildos, which try to adopt and supplant the self-direction of the movement to impose their positions and become interlocutors valid to negotiate With the power.
- despite the great qualitative jumps that the movement has given in its vast extension, it has not been able to curdle and consolidate a clearly class reading, weakness that demonstrates a great pending task that must be remedied by the projection of the movement. This has meant, especially from the megamarchas, the resurgence of an identification as "Middle class" of some sectors of the proletariat promoted by order parties and mass media.
- the revolt found revolutionary minorities organized and fragmented, which, however, did not mean that they participate immediately in the movement, trying to provide guidance through acts and propaganda, despite their limited means. The left and leninism in general did not want to mix with the uncontrolled, they revolted from the revolt, and even their most traditional sectors condemned the looting to large companies, and took at least three days to demonstrate their presence in the streets. This highlights the need to create an openly anti-capitalist movement that group the most radical sectors of the class.
Provisional perspectives
Despite what happens in the outcome of this great situation, it is clear that there has been an irreversible break, a crack, which marks a change of time for our class in this region. What they have lived in these days thousands and thousands of proletarians / as without prior experience of struggle, can hardly be erased from the combative memory of our class. This revolt has provided a unique opportunity that should not be wasted: it has become clear that only fighting is imposed on claims and concrete improvements in the living conditions of the proletariat. We have realized our own strength. The Widespread Revolt, announces the latent possibility of a possible revolutionary change, of the reconciliation of the human species with itself and its natural environment, despite the previous contempt that manifested sectors of the subversive environment of our region-with speeches of the type "Humano=Plaga" Or that the "people are dead"-. the proletariat has not died, we are not only variable capital, we have a huge role to play to liquidate this capitalist world and has been shown in practice. For Now, the fight continues on the street and in the assemblies against the social pact that they want to impose on us and the reformist recovery. This revolt intuitively questioned the foundations of the capitalist social structure and that will not be erased from historical memory. We go beyond, let's go to life.
Algun@S Proletari@s in fight of the Chilean region
Tomorrow from Saturday 26 October
Subversive Spring of 2019
On Friday, October 18 a wild revolt erupted in the city of Santiago and the next day had already expanded to practically all cities in the country. The apparent reason was the rise of the passage in the collective locomotion of Santiago (in the buses of metropolitan network of mobility and the subway), but at the root showed a total discontent with the capitalist lifestyle. A huge and uncontrolled movement made this way its historical appearance and as some / as partner have claimed in several pamphlets spread in the revolt: "nothing will ever be the same".
The favorable movement for the antagonist perspective
- the first thing we must highlight is the spontaneous generalization of the movement and its criticism in the acts to the entire capitalist-neoliberal lifestyle: expropriation and mass sharing of goods of large capitalists (supermarkets, shopping centers, pharmacies, banks, etc . ), destruction of state infrastructure (police stations, municipal buildings, etc. ), massive repudiation of the repressive bodies of the state in a " Democratic " context (Carabineros, research police and militia), and an intuitive sketch of criticism to the entire commodification of all aspects of everyday life (there is no " Demand " or " vindication " Concrete, wants to " change everything ").
- the dynamic role that has played and plays the youth proletariat, with its programmatic intransigence and subversive combativeness to all test.
- wild protests effectively constituted a huge damage to the private property of the great capitalists of this country: this was the real reason for the state to put the cops in the streets. This horrified the dominant-capitalist class.
- another aspect that has called us deeply attention is the proliferation of nuclei that practice the offensive violence and self-defense against the repressive forces of the state in the demonstrations-both in the "center", and in the peripheral neighborhoods -. There is something like "proletarian violence of diffuse masses", which is coordinated in a solidarity way in the middle of the barricades, which makes unnecessary-at least, for now-any kind of specialization or professionalization of this activity by groups. So far, this has been pretty effective.
- the fracture of isolation and isolation to which we are subjected daily in this system that manifests in: spontaneous solidarity of class and social communication outside the previously prefabricated roles.
- despite the "State of emergency", of the touch of remains, and of the cops in the streets, the proletariat has not been afraid and has not abandoned the fight despite the brutal repression that has claimed an still unknown number of killed / as, tortured / as, missing / as and imprisoned. At the time of writing these lines has been announced in many regions, including the metropolitan region, the cessation of the touch of remains, by the social pressure of the proletariat that has not respected it at all and that manifests a visceral hatred to the cops.
- despite all the efforts of the state to return to " certain normality " and the defamation of mass media, this has been impossible to restore, as our class a continued protesting daily without even " asking for permission " To do so-all demonstrations have been "illegal"-.
- the reality of the struggle has overwhelmed the attempts to "Espectacularizar" The Press Revolt: the proletariat has recognized that the social-essential function of the press is to distort the facts and assemble a story related to the interests of the dominant class - The journalists are the "Spokespersons" of the capital -.
- the movement, in the context of the revolt, is being given-Embryonic-of fighting bodies with territorial rooted, based on the conformation of self-organized assemblies of neighbors and neighbors, which are in various neighborhoods and populations building from below a Anti-capitalist perspective that is against the precariousness of life. We consider these areas of strategic proletarian association to form a community of struggle, because it expresses the need for self-activity by the same / as proletarians / as autonomously to any external intervention to them / as.
- an important sector of the proletariat has rejected in block the proposals of "reforms" with which the government has tried to extinguish the fire of the revolt: they are considered unworthy crumbs, which has the state in check, at least, so far.
- there is no "political sector" capable of self-government and valid to dialogue with the government: question that has the bourgeoisie baffled. It's a revolt without leaders. From There, "the anarchic" of this movement.
The contradictions and limits that revolutionary minorities must fight in the bosom of the movement
- during the megamarchas made on Friday, October 25, that only in the city of Santiago called according to official figures to more than 1.500.000 protesters, a patriotic identification feeling and national unity was massively expressed, to the detriment of a Perspective of class of social conflict. Example of this was the proliferation of Chilean Flags-that had been absent-and a festive and pacifist atmosphere that prevailed throughout the day, being this valued by the same government as an opportunity that "opens paths of future and hope".
- the hesitation that has shown certain organized sectors of the worker movement to participate in the revolt-for example, the miners of the state company codelco and the trade unions belonging to the National Coordinator of workers and workers -, with the worthy exception of the Port Union of Chile (Upch) and the construction guild grouped in the combative union sintef: what has not been exempt from contradictions, limits and uneven development depending on the geographical location.
- the echo that in certain social sectors has made the rumor spread by the press and the government that there is a wave of looting that has as goals houses of individuals and small businesses-those who have been very particular and little numerous cases -. This has been expressed in the phenomenon of "Yellow vests", neighbors / as organized in crews defending their neighborhoods of non-EXISTENT LOOTERS. This is dangerous because it is breeding broth for right-Neo-fascist currents and because it faces proletarians / as against proletarians.
- the existence of militants of traditional matches and the "new left"-which is more of the same-in the assemblies and self-organized cabildos, which try to adopt and supplant the self-direction of the movement to impose their positions and become interlocutors valid to negotiate With the power.
- despite the great qualitative jumps that the movement has given in its vast extension, it has not been able to curdle and consolidate a clearly class reading, weakness that demonstrates a great pending task that must be remedied by the projection of the movement. This has meant, especially from the megamarchas, the resurgence of an identification as "Middle class" of some sectors of the proletariat promoted by order parties and mass media.
- the revolt found revolutionary minorities organized and fragmented, which, however, did not mean that they participate immediately in the movement, trying to provide guidance through acts and propaganda, despite their limited means. The left and leninism in general did not want to mix with the uncontrolled, they revolted from the revolt, and even their most traditional sectors condemned the looting to large companies, and took at least three days to demonstrate their presence in the streets. This highlights the need to create an openly anti-capitalist movement that group the most radical sectors of the class.
Provisional perspectives
Despite what happens in the outcome of this great situation, it is clear that there has been an irreversible break, a crack, which marks a change of time for our class in this region. What they have lived in these days thousands and thousands of proletarians / as without prior experience of struggle, can hardly be erased from the combative memory of our class. This revolt has provided a unique opportunity that should not be wasted: it has become clear that only fighting is imposed on claims and concrete improvements in the living conditions of the proletariat. We have realized our own strength. The Widespread Revolt, announces the latent possibility of a possible revolutionary change, of the reconciliation of the human species with itself and its natural environment, despite the previous contempt that manifested sectors of the subversive environment of our region-with speeches of the type "Humano=Plaga" Or that the "people are dead"-. the proletariat has not died, we are not only variable capital, we have a huge role to play to liquidate this capitalist world and has been shown in practice. For Now, the fight continues on the street and in the assemblies against the social pact that they want to impose on us and the reformist recovery. This revolt intuitively questioned the foundations of the capitalist social structure and that will not be erased from historical memory. We go beyond, let's go to life.
Algun@S Proletari@s in fight of the Chilean region
Tomorrow from Saturday 26 October
Subversive Spring of 2019
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